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Archive of oral tradition of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies: its formation and its contribution to research

Evi Kapoli

Résumés

L’archive d’histoire orale du Centre d’Études d’Asie Mineure. Création et rôle dans l’encadrement de la recherche. En 1930, quelques années après l’échange de populations entre la Turquie et la Grèce, Melpo Logotheti-Merlier (1890-1979) a créé le Centre d’études d’Asie Mineure dans le but d’assurer la sauvegarde de l’histoire et de la culture des populations grecques réfugiées d’Asie Mineure. Le projet consista à demander aux réfugiés de décrire les lieux où ils avaient vécu, et de donner le maximum d’informations sur leur mode de vie, leurs pratiques religieuses ainsi que sur les relations qu’ils entretenaient avec leurs voisins turcs. Enfin, des questions leur étaient également posées sur leur installation en Grèce. Les archives réunies au Centre d’études d’Asie Mineure comprennent les témoignages oraux de 5 000 réfugiés soit environ 300 000 pages manuscrites reprenant les interviews menés depuis le début des années 1930 jusqu’aux années 1970. Ces archives de la tradition orale sont porteuses d’une triple empreintes, celle de Melpo Merlier, elle-même, celles des chercheurs qui ont travaillé au centre mais également celle des informateurs, les réfugiés eux-mêmes. Cet article se propose d’examiner comment ces archives témoignent de la manière dont les réfugiés – et, avec eux, une partie de la société grecque - ont vécu ce bouleversement qui a complètement transformé leur vie et comment ils ont réussi à sauvegarder la mémoire de leur passé.

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Texte intégral

1In 1930, just a few years after the population exchange was agreed upon in Lausanne, Melpo Logotheti-Merlier (1890-1979) established the Centre for Asia Minor Studies with the aim of “salvaging” the history and culture of Asia Minor Hellenism. Refugees were called to describe the environment, social life, ethnic relations and religious practices of their native homelands, as well as provide information about their settlement in Greece after the “Asia Minor Catastrophe”. With the outcome of this research the Centre for Asia Minor Studies (cams) formed an archive of the oral testimonies of approximately 5,000 refugees, consisting of over 300,000 hand-written pages. The refugees were interviewed between the early 1930s and the early 1970s. This “Archive of Oral Tradition”, as it is called, bears the mark of three different types of people: Melpo Merlier, the researchers of the Centre and, last but not least, the refugee informants themselves. This paper will examine how this unusual archive reflects the way the refugees and a part of Greek society experienced the transition to a new way of life and how they preserved the memory of their past.

The foundation of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies

2Hubert Pernot, a professor of Greek Language and Grammatology in the University of Sorbonne who examined Greek dialects by studying the Greek-speaking areas of the Ottoman Empire, suggested, in 1930, the foundation of an association for the collection of folk songs: with the support of the French Institute of Athens this association would record as many songs, dialects and narrations of the Asia Minor refugees as possible. Melpo Logotheti-Merlier, a musicologist, who prepared a dissertation about the folk songs at the University of Sorbonne, accepted to draw up this plan. She collaborated with the folklorist Dimitris Loukopoulos. They started to look for refugees capable of singing and talking about their native homelands. As a result a variety of material was collected, which consisted of manuscripts, old recordings, musical instruments, commercially available records, old books and photographs depicting everyday life in Asia Minor.

  • 1 Kouroupou, M., Πολύμοχθο οδοιπορικό στα μονοπάτια της μνήμης, in Καθημερινή. Επτά Ημέρες, 2 Ιουνίου (...)
  • 2 Merlier, M., 1948, Το Αρχείο της Μικρασιατικής Λαογραφίας (Athens, Ikaros): 33.

3Gradually, Melpo Merlier thought that it was necessary for the refugee singers to be placed within the context of their place of origin. Thereafter the preparation of the material included: first of all the biography of the singer and his or her photograph. As far as the photographing of the refugees is concerned Elli Papadimitriou, a collaborator of the Centre, used to say that if this would not be done, Asia Minor would be lost once again1. In the second place, information about the settlement unit and the daily life was included. According to Melpo Merlier at first glance this seemed to be pointless. However the truth was that this material completed, confirmed or refuted information gathered from literature2. Finally, data about the folklore of the area was collected.

  • 3 Op. cit.: 40-41.

4While the study was going on, many new questions turned up. It was necessary to check data according to existing bibliography about Asia Minor, mainly linguistic and geographic literatures. In this field the contribution of the Map Section was invaluable: the testimonies of the refugees could be incomplete if the place names were not identified on the maps or the sketches3.

5As a consequence of this new approach of the research the name of the association was changed to Musical Folklore Archive. The Asia Minor Folklore Archive was created alongside in 1933. Its institutional status, name and professional character were finalized after the war: in 1949, it was finally named Centre for Asia Minor Studies-Melpo and Octave Merlier Foundation and in 1962 it became an independent, private legal entity. The Musical Folklore Archive was the oldest section of the Centre.

The formation of the oral tradition archive

  • 4 Papailia, P., 2001, Genres of recollection: History, testimony and archive in contemporary Greece. (...)

6In the first phase the researchers acted like a tape recorder. The refugee did not separate the themes that he was talking about. Then, a second group of collaborators divided up the material, so that it seemed that they arranged the material by subject. They saw what subjects came up and attached the appropriate subject title. Finally the third phase was to collect specific folklore information by means of a questionnaire. The researchers asked specific questions and the informants provided specific answers4.

  • 5 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1974, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά (...)

7Therefore the final compilation of the Archive of Oral Tradition consists of the oral testimonies of approximately 5,000 refugee informants plus their replies to the questionnaire. The 52% of these informants were settled in Athens· the remaining 48% lived in Greek provinces, mainly in Macedonia and Thessaly5. More than 100 researchers dealt with 1,375 settlement units in Asia Minor in over of 300,000 pages of manuscript records. This material provides valuable information describing the complete life cycle of the Greek populations of Asia Minor in their native homelands during the pre-disaster period. It has been arranged by geographical region. The bulk of the material refers to Pontos, Cappadocia, Ionia and Bithinia.

  • 6 Papailia, op. cit.: 83.
  • 7 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 147: Καππαδοκία-Νεάπολη-Ανακού, researcher: Η. Lioudaki / informant: Z. (...)
  • 8 Papailia, op. cit.: 103.
  • 9 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 834: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Χατσκαλέ, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / i (...)

8It is difficult to say how many researchers worked at the Centre at any given time. As stated by Melpo Merlier’s statistics, in 1951, between 1930 and 1935 there were 2 collaborators, 3 from 1935 to 1938 and 5 in 1939. During the Second World War, the Centre’s work was suspended. In 1945, when it was re-opened there was a 3-person staff. Three years later there were 10 persons, 19 in 1949 and finally in 1951 326. Many of them were leftists who were unable to get a government job because of their political views. Their past is visible in their “trip reports”, when for example they were describing a quarter that was near a prison – This was the same road that once brought me to the camp of Haidari”7 – or when they were referring to the life of a leftist informant of the Centre – We had a good relationship with the refugees, though, we have the same ideology: leftist”8. Actually the main part of the Centre research was carried out during this period: i. e. the years 1950 and 1968. From 1965 the project of the Centre seemed to come to an end: the successive deaths of the informants became more and more frequent. This fact reflects on the report of a researcher in 1962: “It seems that we are at the end”9.

The special character of the archive

9Τhere are some texts which can be added to the main material. These are the trip reports and the travelogues concerning the visits to the informants, the biographical notes, some brief comments about the personal life of the refugees before the Catastrophe and during the first years of their settlement in Greece, and the so called “work letters”, i. e. the correspondence of Melpo Merlier with the researchers of the Centre. These texts bear the mark of three different types of people: Melpo Merlier, who was the first reader of the testimonies and supervised the whole project, the researchers of the Centre, who wrote in their own style the oral accounts and the refugee informants themselves, who presented their life in Asia Minor in relation to their personality and their experiences.

Melpo Merlier in the Archive

10Μelpo Merlier was born in Xanthi, a city which belonged to the Ottoman Empire until 1919. She was educated in Istanbul and then studied piano in the most important and cosmopolitan cities of Europe: Paris, Vienna, Dresden and Geneva.

  • 10 Merlier, op. cit.: 33-37.
  • 11 Merlier, O., 1974, Ο τελευταίος ελληνισμός της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens, Centre for Asia Minor Studies) (...)

11As becomes clear in the work letters of Melpo Merlier, her theoretical background initially came from the field of musicology and it was supplemented with elements from ethnography and folklore. She considered the works of European scholars as “necessary reference books”10 for the whole project. Besides the Centre for Asia Minor Studies until 1961 was a department of the French Institute of Athens. Marcel Abraham, a “connecting link” between the French Foreign Office and the Ministry of Education considered the research of the Centre as the best way tostrengthen the cultural links11 between the two countries. Octave Merlier (1897-1976), Melpo’s husband since 1924 was a specialist in Modern Greek Philology. He gave his full support to the Centre and was instrumental in securing its funding from the French government: especially after 1938 when he became director of the French Institute of Athens until 1961 when he was appointed professor of Modern Greek at the University of Aix-en Provence.

  • 12 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 26.11.1961, p. 28.

12Melpo Merlier was also interested in preserving the memory and cultural heritage of the refugee population. Therefore the particular expressions in the testimonies were very important for her. In 1961 she criticized her collaborators in the following words: “Don’t you think, dear collaborators, that some testimonies are merely informative? We could find this information in a book. These reports do not reveal the refugee’s personal tone or his memories». This is also the reason why she used for the archive the term ‘oral tradition’ and not ‘oral history’. The history was examined by means of orality and not vice versa12.

  • 13 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 6.11.1968, p. 84-86; Merlier, M., Work Letters, 23.12.1961, p. 56.

13Very often she took care of the spelling of place names of the situations, the arrangement of the material, the checking of the information. She was convinced that the project for which she and her partners were responsible would last to eternity13.

  • 14 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 12.11.1961, p. 16.
  • 15 Merlier, M., Το Αρχείο της Μικρασιατικής Λαογραφίας, op. cit., p. 17.
  • 16 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1973, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά (...)

14From the work letters it becomes clear that Melpo Merlier was interested in Cappadocia more than the other provinces of Asia Minor. In 1961 she wrote: “Whoever works on Cappadocia works for the Centre”14. Cappadocia symbolized Greekness both the most tenuous and the most authentic: most Orthodox populations were Turkish-speaking and shared much of the culture of the local Muslims and at the same time there were also Medieval Greek speakers. So, on the one hand Izmir might have been the centre of the Greek (and European) presence in Asia Minor but its horrific burning would always bring to mind Turkish violence and the closing scene of Asia Minor Hellenism. On the other hand, Cappadocia, in addition to preserving traces of an age-old Greek Orthodox tradition, appears to have been a harmonious world of social co-existence of the various populations15. Indeed only 7% of the informants of the Centre were from Ionia, whereas around 34% of the informants came from Cappadocia16.

The refugees, the researchers and Asia Minor

15If one wishes to understand the social context and the real conditions of the making of this material, he should look at the trip reports of the researchers. These reports show how the refugees faced the collaborators of the Centre and what difficulties the researchers encountered while collecting the material. In this way one could also examine the everyday life of the refugees in the post-war period.

  • 17 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 1045: Νότιος Πόντος-Σεμπίν Καραχισάρ-Καραγκεβεζίτ, researcher: El. Karat (...)

16The researchers visited the refugee quarters of Athens or other cities and villages in Greece with an indicative questionnaire. Sometimes they did not even know who exactly they were looking for. Despite the fact that 30 years lay between the Asia Minor Catastrophe and the post-war period, the settlement of the refugees was not totally complete. The researchers were trying to find the refugees through the municipal rolls, often with no result. The most effective way was to wander in the neighborhoods and look for refugee inhabitants. Sometimes they did not even know how to orient themselves. The quarters were expanding and the road names or the numbering of the houses were changing. In addition, it was quite often necessary to use two or three different types of means of transport, until they reached to their destination17.

  • 18 Ministry of Social Welfare, 1958 (Athens): 2.

17During that period a lot of changes occurred, especially in Athens. Because of the bombardment of Piraeus in 1942 many refugees were moved to their relatives’ houses and were quite difficult to find. Some of them left the shelters, where they had lived till then, and were relocated on account of state policy: between the years 1952-1958 another program of resettlement of the refugees of 1922 in the cities was completed18.

  • 19 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 30: Καππαδοκία-Ακσεράι/Γκέλβερι-Σουβρασάρ, researcher: Erm. Andreadis / (...)

18The refugee quarters seemed to the researchers like a discovery, gateways into a mysterious “eastern world”. The entrance into the interior of a home or a courtyard was accompanied by the contact with the authentic Asia Minor. Ermolaos Andreadis, researcher of the Centre during the 50’s wrote: “Gelveri, Kenatala, Sivrihisar, all these Asia Minor villages lie pressed all together. People were born, others died and the life cycle continues”19.

  • 20 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 1045: Νότιος Πόντος-Σεμπίν Καραχισάρ-Καραγκεβεζίτ, researcher: El. Karat (...)
  • 21 Ibid.: 5.
  • 22 This is a village in Central Asia Minor.
  • 23 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 77: Καππαδοκία-Καισάρεια-Ιντζέσου, researcher: Er. Andreadis / informant (...)

19When at last the researchers found people who remembered a great deal about their life before the exchange, the refugees were not always eager to narrate their past. Many considered the project “a lament over ruins”20. After all we are talking about the period after the Second World War and the Civil War: these people had lost their homes and relatives and sometimes had been obliged to move once again because of conflicts21. Quite often the refugees faced the Centre researchers with suspicion. Some of them were afraid of meeting secret agents and getting into trouble with the Government. The fact that many collaborators were not from Asia Minor made the situation worse: “If you are not from Intzesou22, what are you looking for? Go away and leave me alone!”23.

  • 24 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 57: Καππαδοκία-Καισάρεια-Ανδρονίκιον, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: (...)
  • 25 Orar Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 122: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Όφη-Γίγα, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: An. M (...)
  • 26 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 838: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Χουτουρά, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / i (...)
  • 27 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 122: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Όφη-Γίγα, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: Αn. M (...)

20On the other hand conversations about their past represented for a number of them an exercise in imaginative displacement to a time – unlike the present – when life was “peaceful”. Through the narrating of their life the informants felt “as if traveling again back to their homelands”24. These memories helped them reconstruct their lost way of life: “Why must we forget and lose all our memories that others ignore?”25. Against the scepticism of many who thought that their reports were in vain, οther informants answered: “There is no such book written in so many details”26. For the refugees the memory of the past “never ends, only when their life is over”27.

  • 28 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 567: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Τραπεζούντα-Αληθινός, researcher: H. Lioudaki / i (...)
  • 29 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 30: Καππαδοκία-Ακσεράι/Γκέλβερι-Σουβρασάρ, researcher: Erm. Andreadis / (...)

21Unavoidably they felt the loss, particularly when they compared their prior life experience with the new one. For this reason the neighbors from their lost homelands were very important: “Your neighbor is better than your brother”28. In contrast the co-existence with the natives was not so peaceful. The refugees used to feel superior because of their special culture. In a conversation between a researcher, an informant and a native, the refugee turned to the native and said: “Do you understand now how important our village is? The very same village that you, the natives, are laughing at?”29.

  • 30 Oral History Archive, ΠΟ 220: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Ριζούντα-Πασιάν, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / info (...)
  • 31 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1974, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά (...)

22Hence there were formed two types of informants: the“chatty” and the “laconic”. As the same the researchers wrote, There are some speakers who give you the impression that they do not remember anything at all and that is not worth trying because it is a dead end. Perhaps their information is inaccurate and false. There are also those who talk all the time and it is difficult to say what comes from their memory and what from imagination. Finally, the really good informant is the one who falls in between the two. He says ‘I do not know’ or ‘For this subject ask someone else’”30. As far as the capacity to talk about a subject is concerned the gender of the informant is quite important. Only 30% of these refugees were women and they talked mostly about subjects such as religious life, superstitions, the household, the life cycle (birth, wedding, funerals), and family life. For subjects like local government or economy they used to refer to their husbands31.

  • 32 Papailia, op. cit.: 113.
  • 33 Kokkinia is a neibourhoud of Piraeus, where a lot of refugees were settled.
  • 34 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 258: Καππαδοκία-Νίγδη-Ντελμοσό, researcher: S. Anastassiadi / informant: (...)

23Indeed we have reports from various types of people with different jobs and as a result of a different economic and social situation. Generally speaking, the project of the Centre focused on persons of the working class. In other cases “the folk style was totally absent”. It was assumed that businessmen would not have time to waste on heritage, whereas the lower class informants, especially women, would make time. This was not the rule. There were refugees who belonged to the middle class and yet they stopped their work for the researchers of the Centre and did not seem to be in any “rush to leave” or to “shut the door of memory”, according to the trip reports32. In contrast to them others, from the lower social class, were reluctant if they were diverted from their programme. There were cases that despite the fact that the persons were quite eager to talk, they could not because they would lose the day’s wage. An informant, who worked in the fields, told the researcher: “If one day it is raining, come to Kokkinia33. I will be at home. When the soil is muddy, we cannot work”34.

  • 35 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 759: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Α-Έννες, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / in (...)

24Consequently the researchers shared with their informants their daily life, the sorrow and happiness: the household, celebrations, weddings, even funerals. Sometimes they became friendly with one another. As Christos Samouilides, a researcher, wrote: “If we worked with an informant more than 5 or 6 times in shorts intervals the once from another the warmth was such that the refugees wished to pay a visit to us”35.

  • 36 Papailia, op. cit.: 103.

25The conversations with the refugees were not limited to the pre-Catastrophe period, extended after that event. They talked about their settlement and the difficulties they encountered, the experiences from the Second World War as well as the Civil War. This type of information appears either in the trip reports or in the biographical notes. When refugees started to talk about their homelands, they felt well. However when they talking about the war, their memories were still fresh and therefore the narratives became rushed. Moreover they did not believe that it was of any value. As Samouilidis wrote: “Another Centre should write about their life in Greece. But for the Centre the goal was Asia Minor”36.

Conclusion

  • 37 Petropoulou, I., 1998, Η ιδεολογική πορεία της Μέλπω Μερλιέ, το Κέντρο Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών και η (...)
  • 38 Papailia, op. cit.: 81.

26During the period 1930-1970, the existence of an organisation which focused on the refugees as eye witnesses of the Catastrophe and also intended to study this data in a scientific way was something really new37. During this period Greek society was still trying to get over the difficulties caused by the arrival of 1,300,000 refugees. In fact until the 1960s no public discourse had been developed about the “lost homelands” of Asia Minor38.

  • 39 Petropoulou, op. cit.: 123.

27In order to understand this undertaking we need to examine the founders of the project. The methodological framework of Hubert Pernot lay between oral and written discourse, between the folk element and the scholarship. Octave Merlier was the one who took care of both the material and the cultural autonomy of the Centre. Melpo Merlier hoped to revitalise the field of the history by enriching it with stories with a personal tone39.

  • 40 Merlier, op. cit.: 27.
  • 41 Lowenthal, D., 1996, Possessed by the past: the heritage crusade and the spoils of history (New Yor (...)
  • 42 Petropoulou, op. cit.: 129.

28The Centre for Asia Minor Studies did not occupy itself exclusively with history. Its aim was the broad scholarly study of the Asia Minor subjects as well as the collection and examination of informations from more than one field: Ethnography, Folklore, Geography, Musicology40. In the early 1960s, as already mentioned, historical methods were beginning to mix with methods of other social sciences. This is also the period when history approached to the notion of cultural heritage. The relation between these two – heritage and history – was mutual: heritage needs history that provides the suitable “evidence” and history through heritage attracts the public’s attention41. The importance of orally transmitted material, the wide range of themes contained in the information, and the particular moment at which it was recorded make this material unique. We may no longer have access to the testimonies of the first generation of refugees from another source42.

  • 43 Hirschon, R., 1989, Heirs of the Greek Catastrophe: the social life of Asia Minor refugees in Pirae (...)
  • 44 Kiriakidou-Nestoros, Al., 1988, Ο χρόνος της προφορικής ιστορίας, Σύγχρονα Θέματα, 35-37: 235.

29In these narratives the feeling of nostalgia was very important. They expected to preserve the only thing they still had: their memories. As a result very often the refugees idealized their past: their social and economic life in Asia Minor seemed to have been perfect. Their common memories constituted a special point of reference among the refugees43. Despite the fact that it related more with their own particular cultural heritage – they were refugees from the same village or region – they all gave valuable information about both their prior and their current refugee life experience. They felt members of the same community and they shared a common identity. It is therefore a first-hand methodological material of oral testimonies that came from members of refugee society44. Through their conversations with the collaborators of the Centre they expressed these sentiments to persons of non-refugee origin for the first time since their arrival in Greece.

  • 45 Papailia, op. cit.: 110.

30While Merlier’s intention was to save the special culture and the memories of the refugees, at the same time the Centre’s research prepared the ground for the non-political discourse on Greek Anatolian identity, which later emerged in Greek culture45. From now on the question is not only what happens during the Asia Minor Campaign and why. Also of interest is how the persons who were exchanged remembered all these events and how they spoke about them. The special character of the oral accounts depends on the personality of the narrator: for example, his or her gender, the social-economic class, the political views, origin, age at which he or she left the homeland.

31To sum up, the Archive of Oral Tradition may not always provide the most accurate information about the geography, social life and history of the communities of the Orthodox Greeks of Asia Minor before 1922. Its importance however lies in revealing what these persons thought about their life before and after 1922 and how they experienced their transition into Greek society.

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Notes

1 Kouroupou, M., Πολύμοχθο οδοιπορικό στα μονοπάτια της μνήμης, in Καθημερινή. Επτά Ημέρες, 2 Ιουνίου 2002, 13.

2 Merlier, M., 1948, Το Αρχείο της Μικρασιατικής Λαογραφίας (Athens, Ikaros): 33.

3 Op. cit.: 40-41.

4 Papailia, P., 2001, Genres of recollection: History, testimony and archive in contemporary Greece. Ph. D. Dissertation (unpublished), University of Michigan: 117.

5 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1974, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά Μικρασιατικές επαρχίες, περιφέρειες και οικισμούς καταγωγής τους (Athens, Centre for Asia Minor Studies).

6 Papailia, op. cit.: 83.

7 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 147: Καππαδοκία-Νεάπολη-Ανακού, researcher: Η. Lioudaki / informant: Z. Tsalkama, trip report: July 1957, p. 101.

8 Papailia, op. cit.: 103.

9 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 834: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Χατσκαλέ, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / informant: Hr. Tsevelekidis, trip report: 7.6.1962, p. 22.

10 Merlier, op. cit.: 33-37.

11 Merlier, O., 1974, Ο τελευταίος ελληνισμός της Μικράς Ασίας (Athens, Centre for Asia Minor Studies): 21.

12 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 26.11.1961, p. 28.

13 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 6.11.1968, p. 84-86; Merlier, M., Work Letters, 23.12.1961, p. 56.

14 Merlier, M., Work Letters, 12.11.1961, p. 16.

15 Merlier, M., Το Αρχείο της Μικρασιατικής Λαογραφίας, op. cit., p. 17.

16 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1973, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά μικρασιατικές επαρχίες, περιφέρειες και οικισμούς καταγωγής τους (Athens, Centre for Asia Minor Studies): 18-58.

17 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 1045: Νότιος Πόντος-Σεμπίν Καραχισάρ-Καραγκεβεζίτ, researcher: El. Karatza, trip report: 5.6.1961, p. 3.

18 Ministry of Social Welfare, 1958 (Athens): 2.

19 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 30: Καππαδοκία-Ακσεράι/Γκέλβερι-Σουβρασάρ, researcher: Erm. Andreadis / informant: Osia Ketsetsioglou, trip report: 30.1.1952, p. 15.

20 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 1045: Νότιος Πόντος-Σεμπίν Καραχισάρ-Καραγκεβεζίτ, researcher: El. Karatza, trip report: 5.6.1961, p. 7.

21 Ibid.: 5.

22 This is a village in Central Asia Minor.

23 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 77: Καππαδοκία-Καισάρεια-Ιντζέσου, researcher: Er. Andreadis / informant: Εl. Katemoglou, trip report: 14.5.1957, p. 29.

24 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 57: Καππαδοκία-Καισάρεια-Ανδρονίκιον, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: M. Palantzoglou, trip report: 18.6.1957, p. 49.

25 Orar Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 122: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Όφη-Γίγα, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: An. Mavropoulos, trip report: 25.3.1964, p. 22.

26 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 838: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Χουτουρά, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / informant: Κ. Efstathiadis, trip report: 9.3.1959, p. 3-4.

27 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 122: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Όφη-Γίγα, researcher: El. Gazi / informant: Αn. Mavropoulos, trip report: 1.4.1964, p. 25.

28 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 567: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Τραπεζούντα-Αληθινός, researcher: H. Lioudaki / informant: Η. Tsiridis, trip report: 14.8.1959, p. 27-28.

29 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 30: Καππαδοκία-Ακσεράι/Γκέλβερι-Σουβρασάρ, researcher: Erm. Andreadis / informant: Maria Sotiriou, trip report: 10.1.1956, p. 33-34.

30 Oral History Archive, ΠΟ 220: Πόντος Παραλιακός-Ριζούντα-Πασιάν, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / informant: E. Ignatiadis, trip report: 20.3.1957, p. 8-9.

31 Centre for Asia Minor Studies, 1974, Κατάλογος Πληροφορητών του Κέντρου Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών κατά μικρασιατικές επαρχίες, περιφέρειες και οικισμούς καταγωγής τους (Athens, Centre for Asia Minor Studies).

32 Papailia, op. cit.: 113.

33 Kokkinia is a neibourhoud of Piraeus, where a lot of refugees were settled.

34 Oral Tradition Archive, ΚΠ 258: Καππαδοκία-Νίγδη-Ντελμοσό, researcher: S. Anastassiadi / informant: M. Antikidou, trip report: 27.3. 1950, p. 42-43.

35 Oral Tradition Archive, ΠΟ 759: Νότιος Πόντος-Αργυρούπολη-Α-Έννες, researcher: Hr. Samouilidis / informant: Ι. Orfanidis, trip report: 21.6.1962, p. 20.

36 Papailia, op. cit.: 103.

37 Petropoulou, I., 1998, Η ιδεολογική πορεία της Μέλπω Μερλιέ, το Κέντρο Μικρασιατικών Σπουδών και η συγκρότηση του Αρχείου Προφορικής Παράδοσης, in Al. Mpoutzouvi (éd.), Μαρτυρίες σε ηχητικές και κινούμενες αποτυπώσεις ως πηγή της Ιστορίας (Athens, Katarti): 121.

38 Papailia, op. cit.: 81.

39 Petropoulou, op. cit.: 123.

40 Merlier, op. cit.: 27.

41 Lowenthal, D., 1996, Possessed by the past: the heritage crusade and the spoils of history (New York, The Free Press): 170.

42 Petropoulou, op. cit.: 129.

43 Hirschon, R., 1989, Heirs of the Greek Catastrophe: the social life of Asia Minor refugees in Piraeus (Oxford/New York, Clarendon Press): 15.

44 Kiriakidou-Nestoros, Al., 1988, Ο χρόνος της προφορικής ιστορίας, Σύγχρονα Θέματα, 35-37: 235.

45 Papailia, op. cit.: 110.

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Evi Kapoli, « Archive of oral tradition of the Centre for Asia Minor Studies: its formation and its contribution to research », Ateliers du LESC [En ligne], 32 | 2008, mis en ligne le 21 août 2008, consulté le 25 avril 2017. URL : http://ateliers.revues.org/1143 ; DOI : 10.4000/ateliers.1143

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Evi Kapoli

Centre d’Asie Mineure

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